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Thursday stream 3 Session 09.00 - 11.10 Length 25 minutes
Awena Carter
Department of Linguistics and Modern English Language, Lancaster University, UK a.carter@lancaster.ac.uk
Abstract
Dyslexic children usually find it difficult to engage in both the formal and informal writing activities of their peers. Since literacy practices take place in social and cultural settings, dyslexic children have little understanding of belonging to a literate community, or of the empowering nature of literacy events. This isolation from the normal ways in which literacy is developed and practised tends to compound and pathologise difficulties. This paper examines ways in which a literate community is formed of children with Statements of Special Educational Needs for Specific Learning Difficulties (Dyslexia). The children are all from small primary schools where theirs is usually the only SpLD Statement. They communicate with one another by letter as a result of reading one anothers' 'published' books and decide to form a club whose purpose is to write. This results in the production of a group magazine. Two issues of this magazine are examined to show:
Ways in which non-dyslexic children successfully develop literacy.
It is tempting to think that non-dyslexic children develop reading, writing and spelling in school, through the dominant literacy of education and as a result of direct teaching. 'Successful' children appear to progress in tidily linear ways through practice-correction-practice and apply their knowledge across the curriculum. But children engage in a great many informal literacy events both inside and outside the classroom which may equally contribute to their literacy development. Barton (1996, p 211) in discussing the work of Ivanic and Hamilton, points out that '(c)hildren learn about literacy informally in their everyday lives both before they go to school and when they are in school.' These informal uses of literacy are deeply embedded in the culture of the children who participate. They may write notes to each other, make lists of their favourite pop stars or football players, exchange comics or magazines, send e-mails or text messages. The list appears endless and each practice has its own literary convention belonging not to the dominant literacy of school but to what Street (1993) refers to as the 'vernacular' literacy of every day life and practice.
In these ways non-dyslexic children develop a rich variety of literacies. They do so through collaboration, imitation and experimentation, being largely unafraid to make mistakes and possessing the ability to make their own repairs. Their literacy practices demonstrate the ways in which literacy is developed and used in a variety of social and cultural settings - of which school is only one - and that those who collaboratively engage in literacy events are part of a literate community.
Many Dyslexic children, however, tend to exclude themselves from informal literacy events. Kress (1997, p.102) illustrates the seriousness of this, pointing out that if 'children are unable to make signs externally , in some or many modes, they are cut off from participating in the constant remaking of their group's systems of representation and communication.' Dyslexic children are not only cut off from many of the fruitful learning activities of their peers but from being part of a literate community. Their isolation extends much further than the classroom: they are adrift in their own literacies both in school and in the community.
An Account of the growth of a literate community
This paper examines the growth and literary practices of a group of dyslexic children who were helped to form themselves into a literate community. The data for this account was collected by me whilst working as the support teacher of seven Primary School children who had Statements of Special Educational Need for Specific Learning Difficulties (Dyslexia). Most of the children were pupils in small rural schools and were the only children in their school with SpLD Statements. I normally supported them in 1:1 withdrawal sessions, lasting from one to one and a half hours, twice a week and occasionally in small groups or in class.
It was noticeable that the reactions of these children to their difficulties, and to support, were often a mingling of conflicting feelings: they appeared to feel both relieved and worried, special and singled out, important and demeaned, pleased and angry. In addition their statements all contained references to low self esteem. It seemed, however, that their feelings about themselves went deeper than low self esteem: in their different ways they all appeared to have constructed identities in which resignation to lower levels of in-class achievement than their peers was all that was appropriate. It was also noticeable that they were cut off from the informal literacy practices of their peers. This could only add to their isolation.
In order to address this I began to facilitate the formation of a literate community of these disparate children. My aims were to address their feelings of isolation; to enable them to change their perceptions of self; to replicate and model the informal and vernacular literacy practices of their peers. In addition I had pedagogical aims: I wanted them to focus on meaning-making as well as to make progress in the secretarial aspects of literacy.
I began by encouraging them to write stories or to write about their interests. These pieces of writing were eventually illustrated and 'published' as books. The process involved encouraging them to write freely enough for them to make mistakes which I used to diagnose their difficulties and to design specific and multisensory interventions. They wrote or typed fair copies to my dictation, providing opportunities for over-learning as well as assessment of progress. Reading back their own work provided them with age-appropriate material as well as demonstrating the link between reading and writing.
The books were completed by the end of the Autumn Term. At the beginning of the Spring Term the children all read each other's books thus making them into something of a lending library. I began to talk about each one to the others as they read each other's books and suggested that they should write to each other with their reactions to the stories. An account of the progress of the group is as follows:
January
February/March
April
July
How the Contributions Changed
From this it may be seen that although some of the children were too hesitant to write, choosing rather to draw pictures or puzzles, the contributions were not exercises to be marked. They were communications designed, in whatever mode, to be read or used by other children. The contributions to the two magazines can be used to show changes in the children's perceptions of themselves and progress in writing and meaning making. I will exemplify these changes with reference to Lucy, Daniel and Steve's contributions.
| Child | May Magazine | July Magazine |
| Lucy | Dictated a short piece about 'Letterland' with a picture of 'Annie Apple' | Hand wrote a recipe with a list of ingredients and instructions using appropriate discourse |
| Steve | Had to be persuaded to draw an advertisement for his book, very little writing. | Dictated a two-paragraph account of how to care for his rats with a labelled picture drawn by him. |
| Daniel | Did a dot-to-dot drawing with a great deal of help. | Wrote a long account, in collaboration, of a class holiday, with a detailed drawing. |
Although both Daniel and Steve still needed support and encouragement with their contributions, by the July magazine what they wrote had changed in nature and complexity, as well as showing progress in secretarial skills. Lucy's progression was more dramatic, showing a change in her perception of what she felt it was appropriate for her to write as well as a willingness to write confidently using invented spellings where necessary.
Did we really form a literate community?
It is not really possible for a teacher, however equally she treats her pupils, to replicate the informal and literary practices which are peer-mediated amongst children. In addition I had pedagogical as well as socio/linguistic aims which were the enemies of spontaneity. Despite this, however, dyslexic children who had previously not communicated in writing with other children were keen to write for their peers. In order to do this they suggested their own subject matter, used vernacular as well as dominant literacy and became less afraid of making mistakes because they knew their work could be edited and corrected in a second draft. They understood that writing was not only an in-class exercise at which they invariably failed but a tool for communication. Moreover, in engaging in these activities, they became less liable to fail in class. Most importantly, to quote Sam, children who had found literacy practices difficult and humiliating did lots of fun things.
References
Barton, D. 1996. Literacy, an Introduction to the Ecology of Written Language. Oxford, UK: Blackwell Publishers Ltd. Kress, G. 1997. Before Writing: Rethinking the Paths to Literacy. London: Routledge Street, B. (ed.) 1993. Cross-cultural Approaches to Literacy. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press.
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