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Saturday stream 6 Session 11.35 - 12.50 Length 25 minutes
David Grant.
Chartered Psychologist dyslexia diagnosis, Hanwell London david.grant6@virgin.net
Abstract
A survey of major texts about creativity and about dyslexia, and of web sites offering advice on dyslexia, reveals a dichotomy between a public perception linking dyslexia with being creative, and a lack of empirical research. Ways in which dyslexia-related cognitive deficits and childhood experiences might impact on, and influence the creative process, are explored by using a case study approach within a confluence methodology. Thematic analysis of these case studies of dyslexic undergraduate students reveals that although there are similarities of childhood experiences of feeling different from, and working harder than their peers, cognitive processing requirements vary with disciplines, and it is unsafe to draw a conclusion that creativity is a unitary process.
Introduction
If you listened to Lord Laird, the opening speaker in the debate on dyslexia in the House of Lords on May 8 2000, you would have heard him say, 'While dyslexia affects up to 10 per cent of the population, within the creative professions the proportion appears to be much higher. Lateral thinking, problem solving, the ability to make creative leaps and see things from every angle are all skills associated with dyslexia'.
Lord Laird's perception of dyslexia being linked with creativity is powerfully reflected in the list of successful dyslexics on the British Dyslexia Association website. A count of the number of individuals who could be said to be working in creative professions [e.g. as chefs, writers, song-writers] reveals that approximately 75% fall into this creative category. Another 13% can be described as innovators, and 5% as inventors. I do not think for one moment that anyone would seriously claim that such a list is an accurate representation of the employment pattern of dyslexics. However, such a list can powerfully shape public perceptions, as well as helping to bolster the self-esteem of people who are dyslexic.
This association between being dyslexic and being creative, is often made explicit on other web sites. For example, the website for the World Dyslexia Network Foundation states that 'The dyslexic individual may use alternative processing methods in the brain which may lead to increased capacity in certain areas such as creativity…'. The dyslexia.com website explains that dyslexia is a gift because 'Dyslexic people are visual, multi-dimensional thinkers. We are intuitive and highly creative…….'. Thomas Scheilder, co-founder and director of the Greenwood Institute, [an organization that offers dyslexia-related teacher training and parental support], explains that the Greenwood program was designed on the premise that 'we felt that a good educational experience addressing creativity would help them grow and expand and be educated in their gift…'
It was with interest that I noted the current checklist for signs of dyslexia in the BDA Handbook asks the question, 'how easy is it for you to think of unusual [creative] solutions to problems?', and if you answer you find it easy to arrive at creative solutions, this is taken as a non-dyslexic indicator! The implication here is that dyslexic people find it more difficult to arrive at creative solutions. This stands out because it runs counter to the prevailing zeitgeist.
It is intuitively easy to understand how an association between dyslexia and creativity has arisen. Difficulties with reading, spelling, expressing ideas on paper, and - in many cases - with maths, could well mean that other subjects at school which place emphasis on alternative means of thought, and require little in the way of written work, might well appeal to dyslexic pupils. I've looked back over the case-notes of 100 dyslexic students who have taken GCSEs and noted which subjects they achieved their best and worst GCSE grades in. These grades will reflect to some extent subject choices UK pupils make at the age of 14. Whilst there is a core requirement to take GCSEs in English Language, Maths, Science, a language, and a humanities subject, pupils select options as well.
This frequency count of which subjects these 100 pupils achieved their best and worst grades in, reveal that Art - which is an option - is the GCSE subject that occurs with the greatest best grade frequency [approximately 30%]. This is followed by Science and Maths [approximately 20%], and then English Language and English Literature [15%]. Perhaps not surprisingly, languages [French, German, Spanish and Latin] occur with the greatest frequency - 40% - as the GCSE they achieved their lowest grade in. [This may well be an under-estimation as a number of dyslexic pupils are never entered for a GCSE in a foreign language as they have found it so difficult.]
Maths and English Language occur with an approximate frequency of 20% as the next lowest grade subjects. The Maths and English Language best/worst dichotomy probably reflects the importance given to doing well in these two core subjects. It must also be remembered that being dyslexic does not mean that you cannot enjoy the study of English Language or English Literature.
This data must be treated as a snapshot, but it supports the public perception that dyslexia is linked with success in creative subjects.
A question that flows from this perceived linkage is whether dyslexics are more creative than non-dyslexics. Whilst is it possible to ask this question I don't think it can be answered, or indeed know whether it would serve any useful purpose. I don't think it an answer is possible for two major reasons. Firstly, the measurement of level of creativity is notoriously suspect. Secondly, it is my judgement that the number of undiagnosed dyslexics is higher than the number who have been diagnosed. [For example, approximately 60% of university students referred to me for diagnosis have not been identified as dyslexic at school.] This high level of non-diagnosis makes comparisons, based on such factors as patterns of employment, very difficult.
The approach I have adopted is very different. I am seeking information about two very different types of questions. These questions relate to cognitive processes and childhood circumstances. This dual approach fits within a methodology that Sternberg & Lubart [1999] refer to as the confluence approach. This, at its simplest, predicts that a number of factors must converge for creativity to arise.
Any research that attempts to link dyslexia and creativity must be prefaced by two caveats. Firstly, dyslexia takes different forms and varies in severity. We cannot therefore assume that two people who have been diagnosed as dyslexic are similar to each other in terms of their cognitive style or cognitive deficits. Over fifty years ago Schonell [1945] described in some detail the difference between visually weak and auditorily weak readers. Any generalisation based on an undifferentiated group of dyslexics has therefore to be treated with caution. The second caveat is about the subject of creativity. It is one of the most diverse fields in psychology in terms of methodologies, philosophies and theories. It is, par excellence, multi-faceted.
In spite of this diversity, it is perhaps surprising that research into the linking of creativity with dyslexia does not feature in any of the texts I have read. These range from the standard textbooks on creativity by Weisberg [1986, 1993] and Ochse [1990], to Wallace & Gruber's book on Creative People at Work [1989], to the recent Handbook of Creativity [Sternberg, 1999], and the 2-volume 1,500 page plus Encyclopedia of Creativity [Runco & Pritzker, 1999]. This absence is also noticeable in books that examine the concept of genius [Howe, 1999] and child prodigies [Radford, 1990], even though they dissect the life histories of people known to be dyslexic.
Nor does discussion of creativity appear to feature in standard academic textbooks on dyslexia [e.g. Snowling, 1987, 2000]. In fact, the only research link I have encountered is presented in Schonell's book Backwardness in the Basic Subjects [1945] where he uses a psychograph of a dyslexic child as a means of illustrating a typical dyslexic profile. This psychograph reveals that attainments in Handwork and Drawing are significantly ahead of attainments in Arithmetic, Writing, Composition, Spelling and Reading. [Schonell makes a distinction between imitative and creative handwork as he presents data revealing that creative handwork, but not imitative handwork, correlates highly with general intelligence.]
Given the multi-faceted nature of research on creativity, it is legitimate to ask whether there is sufficient order within this diversity to allow useful questions to be asked about potential linkage between dyslexia and creativity. I believe the cautious answer is yes. There is a general agreement that the four-stage sequence first outlined by Wallas [1926] - preparation, incubation, illumination, verification - is useful because of its emphasis on creativity as a cognitive problem-solving process that occurs over a significant period of time. Although this four-stage model has since been extended and elaborated by different researchers, its cognitive focus means that techniques, such as the use of analogies and brain-storming, are perceived very clearly as being integral to creative problem-solving.
The stages of preparation and verification are crucial ones, for creativity is so dependent on hard work. Ochse [p 260, 1990] captures this perfectly in her quote 'before the Gates of Excellence the High Gods have placed sweat - the sweat of labour - often mingled with the sweat of pain'. The painter Turner, when asked for advice about painting, replied 'The only secret I have is damned hard work' [quoted in Howe, p 186, 1999]. Radford [p 176, 1990] comments 'The persistence which occurs in accounts of so many prodigies - both the extremely able and the idiot savants - comes to mind'. If there is one unifying factor running through the accounts of people who are creatively successful, it is this capacity for hard work.
I believe this factor may be a key when considering a possible link between creativity and dyslexia. Over the past 18 months, when carrying out psychological assessments of dyslexic students, I have been struck by the number of times they have told me they have to work harder than others at school and university in order to achieve the same mark as their peers. It is the case that many dyslexic children have to spend more time than others completing educational tasks. It is therefore possible this may then set up a persistent work habit that is particularly beneficial in creative endeavours.
Because of this need to work harder, as well as difficulties with reading and spelling that are obvious to others, dyslexic children might therefore be perceived as being different by their peers, and thus in turn think of themselves as different. In addition, they may be in need of greater support from adults, particularly parents.
These hypotheses of working harder, feeling different, and of greater involvement with adults, are congruent with conclusions reached by Ochse in her research into the determinants of creative genius. In addition to highlighting the importance of 'sweat as a style of life [p 134], she also draws the following conclusions:
'From the evidence, one may indeed go so far as to suggest that creators typically suffer some deprivation and distress in childhood. Not all suffer the same form of discomfort.' [p 81]
'We have seen that creative achievers tend to cluster in the types of societies and in subgroups of those societies that instil the value of intellectual achievement in their children''. [p 71].
Ochse also notes that eminent achievers read omnivorously and voraciously in childhood and adolescence, an option not readily open to dyslexics.
Before going on to consider cognitive processes, a further experiential factor needs to be considered, that of gender. Wagner & Garon, 1999, conclude that 'sex differences in prevalence of learning disabilities appear to be largely an artifact of referral bias' [p 90]. I am inclined to accept this conclusion, for of the 106 university students I have diagnosed as being dyslexic over the past 18 months, for 68% of female students [48 out of 71] this was their first diagnosis. The comparable figure for males is 31% [11 out of 35].
The question why so many girls are not diagnosed as being dyslexic at school probably reflects a complex of values and expectations, which results in different responses to adversity by boys and girls. If a dyslexic condition results in stress in childhood and adolescence, then gender has to be taken into account as responses to this stress are likely to vary with gender.
Experiential factors provide a context for understanding how it is a person may develop temperamental characteristics that favour working in creative endeavours. These factors do not in themselves explain the process of creativity. That is why the second strand of the confluence approach I have adopted is a focus on cognitive processes. In considering the processes through which dyslexics arrive at creative solutions, it is first necessary to consider dyslexic cognitive styles. The dyslexias are characterised by multiple cognitive deficits. This multiplicity can be seen very clearly when data from the WAIS - III is examined.
Analysis can take place at two levels. Firstly, at the level of Index scores. Figure 1 shows the mean percentile scores for the four Index scores of Verbal Comprehension, Working Memory, Perceptual Organization and Processing Speed. [These are 70, 37, 68 and 34 respectively]. These percentiles are based on an N of 58. Only students with English as their first language and for whom dyslexia was the primary diagnosis have been included.
Although averages mask individual variations, the twin deficits of a weak working memory and a slow speed of visual processing are observed in at least 80% of cases of dyslexia. On average, the difference between an abstract reasoning ability and working memory & processing speed is in excess of 30 percentile points. These are major differences. The high levels of abstract verbal and visual reasoning ability reveal a capacity for problem solving. However, a weak working memory is going to impact on problem solving in a variety of ways.
Firstly, it limits the number of ideas that can be held in conscious auditory thought. Secondly, this limited capacity results in ideas slipping in and out of conscious thought in an almost random manner. It is as if there is far more information jostling outside consciousness than there is space for in conscious memory. As a consequence, ideas can enter almost randomly and, as they do so, other ideas disappear from consciousness. This results in a transient and chaotic experience - almost like an on-going brain-storming session.
A slow speed of visual processing may explain mis-interpretation. Visual and verbal abstract reasoning abilities are functioning at a faster rate than incoming visual information, with the consequence that those cognitive processes involved in recognition and identification of visual information are often operating, on tasks where speed of response is important, on degraded information. This results in misperceptions of visually similar items.
It could be hypothesised that as a consequence of these two factors dyslexics are likely to be more tolerant of ambiguity, which enables them to be more accepting of unusual juxtapositions of information and ideas.
The 'brainstorming' experience resulting from the limited capacity of conscious auditory memory may also throw up more unusual juxtapositions, with the consequence that serendipitous solutions are more likely. The limited capacity of auditory working memory may also force a reliance on other sensory memories, such as visual, tactile and kinaesthetic. The title of this paper, 'That's the way I think', is taken directly from a comment by a dyslexic student who was exploring the software Inspiration for the first time. By enabling him to represent verbal ideas visually and holistically, he was able to bypass his auditory memory constraints and work to his strengths.
It is always important to be careful about generalisations about dyslexia. 36% of the students I have seen since September revealed signs of a weak short-term visual memory on the WAIS-III Digit-Symbol Coding subtest. It would be a mistake to assume that dyslexia is characterised by a strong visual ability. The Index scores above reveal little difference in general between verbal and visual reasoning abilities, and the data on short-term visual memory, which should be treated as snap-shot data at this stage, reveals a perhaps surprisingly high percentage of students have an inefficient short-term visual memory.
A comparison of the data obtained with the subtests of Vocabulary and Similarities reveals a lower score on the Similarities than the Vocabulary subtest: 11.1 compared with 12.8 [The average for a subtest score is 10, and the standard deviation is 3]. In 29% of cases this difference was equal to or greater than one standard deviation. This is a significant difference. My interpretation of this difference is that it reveals a difficulty with semantic memory. This is an important consideration for analogical reasoning is an important process in creative problem-solving. A difficulty with semantic memory may therefore impede the use of analogies.
Some dyslexic students experience considerable difficulty with deconstructing abstract essay and exam questions ['I sit there for hours asking myself "what does it mean?" '], and express a preference for facts rather than 'ologies' [e.g. biomechanics rather than psychology or sociology]. This difficulty with using semantic memory efficiently may be restricted to verbal semantic memory. The answer is unknown, but a semantic memory deficit would suggest a more limited use of a specific type of problem solving strategy in some instances.
To summarise at this point, it would be anticipated that the ways in which dyslexics think about how to solve problems, the manner in which they arrive at solutions, and the means they use for verification, will be a reflection of their dyslexic cognitive style. That is, a weak working memory will result in a randomness in the generation of ideas, some ideas being lost, and a tendency to go off at tangents [because of forgetting what the original question or idea was]. It could be argued that the randomness and going off at tangents might be positive factors in reaching for creative solutions. Whether such a cognitive style could be termed 'dyslexic creativity' is, at this stage, an open question.
The case-study approach is often adopted in research on creativity, and is chosen because of the need to obtain rich and detailed histories, given the complexity of the creative process. It is the method I have adopted. I have devised a set of open-ended questions about childhood experiences and the process of creativity [see Appendix One], and have begun interviewing dyslexic students who are studying in creative fields. In each case the student is being assessed on their degree course in terms of their ability to produce new and functional ideas in response to briefs, so being creative is central to succeeding on his or her degree course.
I think the real question at this early stage is not what can be concluded from these interviews about being dyslexic and creative, but rather 'am I asking the right questions?' In creativity, change flows from asking new and apposite questions.
The responses of students given below must therefore been seen as a piloting of the ideas outlined in this paper. The intention is to move towards a sampling frame so that systematic qualitative comparisons can be drawn between students taking different creative subjects, and gender can be controlled for. It is also intended to carry out the same interview with non-dyslexic students.
Each interview takes between 30 to 60 minutes. Pseudonyms have been used throughout.
Case studies
Emma is a 2nd year undergraduate fashion student.
Jake is a 2nd year undergraduate popular performance music student [guitar]. Jake does not experience difficulties with sight-reading.
Sarah is a 2nd year undergraduate popular performance music student [drums]. Sarah does experience difficulties with sight reading music, but has learnt to read rhythmic notation [which is much simpler].
Peter is a final year ceramics student.
Thematic Analysis
Memory Questions about the process of creation and the initial concept were included to gain details about whether one sensory memory was more predominant than the others, and also to examine the ease with which ideas are lost or retained.
Emma 'I do totally forget things which is why I did the boxes and labels' [Emma has a bookcase full of boxes which goes from floor to ceiling. Each box contains small items she has collected.] 'I've been a dreadful hoarder in the past, dreadful'
'I do think more in terms of shapes and textures'.
Jake 'I usually store the majority of my ideas in my head - I don't write them down'. He described his visual memory as very good for 'scales and shapes', whereas his auditory memory for names, dates, numbers, etc., he likened to 'straight in one ear and out the other'.
Sarah 'With my music I find I can remember patterns quite easily, especially the song I'm writing myself. Everyday life is another matter'.
'I can hear the sounds and maybe hear it in the vocals as well, but also when I'm hearing rhythm in songs I'm always imaging it physically and visually as well - that can help me remember'
'I had a really great idea, it's gone - it's the best idea I've had and it's gone…..it's like grrrr ….. when I don't write things down and it's a good idea and it's gone, it's frustrating.
Peter 'I play piano and sometimes while there I hear a song ……. If I don't get the words down straight away I'll forget them'.
'There are so many ideas you have to be selective. Once I cast a vessel I have a thousand ideas from it………..I've stopped my ideas about form for a period of time……now have to think about texture and colour'.
'….my interest and my capacity to see what is around me is a lot more interesting to me than to listen………[listening to someone talking] it's like an overload, verbally….'
Sources of inspiration All have a favourite source but all draw on a wide variety of sources
Emma 'I rummage around [in her boxes]……. if I get really stuck I'll go out to a haberdasheries and buy something and I often finds that helps, like buying a few beads or a few things, I find that really helps.'
'Everything around you is inspiring, music from passing cars, faces at bus stops…'
Emma described how she selected glass beads for a mood board to capture an Arctic mood of snow and cold, without consciously thinking about her choice.
Jake '……bands I like, music I listen to…………….I listen to absolutely anything at the end of the day' '…….lots is just jamming and coming up with ideas and gluing it all together'.
Jake's source of inspiration for lyrics is more inspired by personal elements 'definitely personal elements, emotional elements come through'.
Sarah '…..different music I listen to……. I do like watching documentaries - people's lives can spark off ideas for lyrics………I do find when I'm listening to my music [her CDs] I say I can use that….'.
Sarah described how the pattern of the feet of squirrels running over a glass roof gave her ideas for a composition.
Peter 'the initial thing is that process, get my hands on that clay'
Mode of working I was looking for elements of both preparation and verification, and for how structured the process was [e.g. focused or going off at tangents]. Both Jake and Sarah have to work in quite a structured way when composing. This involves laying down a rhythm track first, [sometimes followed by piano chords], then guitar and bass. Lyrics are added at the end.
Sarah said that structure has 'always been quite important - I find structure helped me quite a bit and I find without it I'm sometimes a bit lost - need a lot more work without it'. [Sarah had spent a year on a photography degree course prior to changing over to music].
Jake explained that he has become 'more disciplined because I'm into it', and starts work on compositions for his course 'straightaway - it's not like homework at school'. He lays down bass and drum tracks and then leaves it several weeks before returning to it. If he still likes it 'it usually finishes itself off quite quickly'.
Emma's mode of working is rather different. She undertakes preparatory work but 'I'm dreadful for leaving things to the last minute' - but 'there's a lot of thought in the process'. Emma prefers mood board work to sketchbook work. She described mood board work as 'more of an immediate thing - can see more exactly where you want to go'. With sketchbook work 'you can go off at a tangent completely - that's one of the things I tend to do with my sketchbooks'.
Emma described her style of work as being quite different from other students 'they seem to be a lot more organised'. She finds ideas suddenly come to her, 'and all of a sudden I had it in my head to spray them…. I hadn't though about it, it wasn't predicated [sic]'.
Peter's way of working is a long process -often of months - of coming up with a form that he thinks will work aesthetically and will sell. This involves drawing upon a wide variety of sources, sketching, and experimentation. He maintains a journal of all his ideas.
Childhood experiences
The predictions were that dyslexics are likely to have negative experiences at school, are likely to be much more hardworking than their peers, and enjoy a high degree of parental support. It was anticipated that gender might be an important factor in how people reacted to their dyslexic condition.
Feeling different
Emma 'I was certainly different, certainly - I remember feeling different……. I used to spend a lot of time on my own and I did things on my own…. I used to go home and cry.'
Sarah 'Even when I tried the best I could teachers still put me down. That makes you really want to crawl into your hole again'. Sarah experienced bullying towards the end of primary school and for her first four years at boarding school. It was not until she started playing drums that the bullying ceased. [Emma also experienced some bullying at school.]
Jake's school experience was different. He explained that he enjoyed school 'a lot, but not always for the right reasons'. His favourite form of escapism was 'meeting up with mates', and it was only occasionally that 'there were odd occasions when I thought something was up'.
Peter 'Prep school gave me the idea I was working from an underdog situation…….obviously people were finding things easier than me'.
Working harder at school
All four felt that they worked harder than others, though there are several qualifications.
Emma 'I never got the same results as others - it really used to depress me'. Her school reports always mentioned how good her behaviour was in school.
Sarah 'I did work quite hard at school, especially in English. I care a lot more about getting my work done now'.
Jake 'I worked a lot harder than the other guys [in English]' but for some other subjects 'maybe not bothering to put the effort in'.
Peter 'my attitude is, because of who I am, I got into a habit of working much harder and thought if I was going to compete my efforts would have to be higher and that doesn't stop -whatever I do, whether it's written, physical or creative'.
Peter's school reports always mention that he was 'conscientious: every subject, every time'.
Parental support All four enjoyed parental support. Sarah's mother is a sculptor and her father, who is himself dyslexic 'used to work with me quite a lot'. Jake's father plays saxophone, flute and piano, and took on an extra job 'to support me at school' [an independent school].
Emma described her mother and father as being supportive [although they were separated], and 'he always encouraged me, my mum always encouraged me, she always read to me…. He always used to make me count in the car. Peter described his parents as being very supportive.
Discussion The accounts of childhood experiences are congruent with the predictions that were made of working harder than others and of feeling different from peers. Whilst these factors in themselves do not explain creativity, the impact of these everyday experiences over a considerable period of time on a developing concept of self, will play an important part in shaping attitudes and behaviours.
The descriptions by these students about the process by which they arrive at creative solutions do not lend themselves to easy generalisations. It is clear that different subjects require quite different processes and skills. For example, the high degree of structure that composing requires reduces considerably the chances of going off at a tangent. That is also the case in ceramics. Once a form has been settled on, and cast, each piece will be the same, and variations will then be restricted to colour and texture.
Fashion allows for considerable variation right up to the moment of completion and therefore it is possible to go off at tangents quite easily. It may be a mistake to assume that being creative is a skill that transfers effortlessly across many different domains [e.g. Policastro & Gardner, 1999]. It is more probably the case that different disciplines require different cognitive styles as well as subject-specific knowledge. As university students are making a deliberate decision about the subject they wish to specialise in for three or four years, often on the basis of previous experience of their chosen discipline, it would be perverse to choose a mode of working that does not match their own cognitive style.
It may therefore be the case that dyslexic students [in many cases] choose subjects that are matched to their strengths and minimise their cognitive deficits. Just as there are dyslexias, so there are styles of creativity.
References
Howe, M.J.A. [1999] Genius explained. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Ochse, R. [1990] Before the gates of excellence: the determinants of creative genius. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Policastro, E. & Gardner, H. [1999] From case studies to robust generalisations: an approach to the study of creativity. In R.J. Sternberg [Ed]. Handbook of creativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
Radford, J. [1990] Child prodigies and exceptional early achievers. London: Harvester Wheatsheaf
Runco, M.A. and Pritzker, S.R. [Eds] [1999] Encyclopedia of creativity, Vols I & II. San Diego: Academic Press
Schonell, F.J. [1945] Backwardness in the basic subjects. 2nd edition. Edinburgh & London: Oliver and Boyd
Snowling, M.J. [1987] Dyslexia: a cognitive developmental perspective. Oxford: Basil Blackwell Snowling, M.J. [2000] Dyslexia [2nd edition]. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers
Sternberg, R.J. [Ed] [1999] Handbook of creativity. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press
Wagner, R.K. & Garon, [1999] T. Learning disabilities in perspective. In R.J. Sternberg & L.Spear-Swerling [Eds]. Perspectives on Learning Disabilities. Boulder: Westview Press
Wallace, D.B. & Gruber, H.E. [Eds] [1989] Creative people at work. New York: Oxford University Press
Weisbery, R.W. [1986] Creativity: genius and other myths. New York: W.H. Freeman
Weisberg, R.W. [1993] Creativity: beyond the myth of genius. New York: W.H. Freeman
West, M.A. & Farr, J.L. [Eds] [1990] Innovation and creativity at work: psychological and organizational strategies. Chichester: John Wiley & Sons
Web sites
www.bda-dyslexia.org.uk [March 14, 2001]
www.dyslexia.com [April 11, 2001]
www.greenwoodinstute.org/resources [March 14, 2001]
www.surrey.ac.uk/Psychology/WDNF/front [April 11, 2001]
Appendix One - Creative Achievers Questionnaire
Creative Process
Can you provide me with an overview of your most recent creations?
I would like you to select one recent creation [composition, photograph, etc.] and talk me through how you went from the initial idea to completion.
What is the source of your initial ideas? How does this happen?
When you get stuck how do you get past this block?
Have you any favourite means of fostering creativity?
How did you develop your creativity?
On a scale from 1 to 5, how would you rate yourself in terms of being creative [1 - not creative, 5 highly creative].
Childhood
To what extend was your childhood a happy one?
To what extent did you enjoy school?
Did you ever experience times when you felt different from other kids?
Where you a social person, or were you more likely to play & study by yourself? At school, in comparison with others, did you feel that you had to work harder than others to get the same results?
If there was one comment that occurs time and time again on your school reports, what was it?
What was your favourite form of escapism?
Was your creativity evident as a child?
To what extent did you enjoy strong encouragement from your parents? Was this more marked from your mother or father?
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